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   <title>The Human Rights Blog</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/" />
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   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2010://32</id>
   <updated>2010-03-13T01:26:51Z</updated>
   <subtitle>Human Rights news, actions, announcements, opinions and miscellanea</subtitle>
   <generator uri="http://www.sixapart.com/movabletype/">Movable Type 3.34</generator>

<entry>
   <title>US: ICE Human Rights Violator and War Crimes Unit</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2010/03/us_ice_human_rights_violator_a.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2010://32.9988</id>
   
   <published>2010-03-13T01:20:09Z</published>
   <updated>2010-03-13T01:26:51Z</updated>
   
   <summary>FYI The U.S. has a relatively new &quot;Human Rights Violator and War Crimes Unit&quot; responsible for investigation persons in the US who have been involved with genocide, torture, war crimes, murder and other serious human rights violations. Anyone with information...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="USA" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      <![CDATA[FYI

The U.S. has a relatively new "Human Rights Violator and War Crimes Unit" responsible for investigation persons in the US who have been involved with genocide, torture, war crimes, murder and other serious human rights violations.

Anyone with information about a person who has committed such crimes and has entered or will attempt to enter the United States can call ICE with a tip.  The phone number is 1-866-347-2423.  Calls can be anonymous.

Victims can call 1-866-872-4973 for assistance.

More info at <a href="http://www.ice.gov/pi/news/factsheets/hrvc1.htm">http://www.ice.gov/pi/news/factsheets/hrvc1.htm</a>]]>
      
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>Ben Ferencz Letter to Admiral Mullen Re Aggression</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2010/03/ben_ferencz_letter_to_admiral.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2010://32.9868</id>
   
   <published>2010-03-04T19:35:39Z</published>
   <updated>2010-03-04T19:37:12Z</updated>
   
   <summary>March 3, 2010 Admiral Mike Mullen Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff 9999 Joint Staff Pentagon Washington, DC 20318-9999 ATTN: PLEASE SEE THAT THIS LETTER REACHES THE CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS PERSONALLY SUBJECT: Ben Ferencz Letter to Admiral...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="War" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      <![CDATA[March 3, 2010

Admiral Mike Mullen
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
9999 Joint Staff Pentagon
Washington, DC 20318-9999

ATTN: PLEASE SEE THAT THIS LETTER REACHES THE CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS 
PERSONALLY

SUBJECT: Ben Ferencz Letter to Admiral Mullen Re Aggression

Dear Admiral Mullen:

Since I am entering my 91st year and without staff, I apologize for not 
being able to reach you by any other means.  The message I feel compelled to 
convey concerns our vital national interests.  A glance at my website 
(<a href="http://www.benferencz.org">www.benferencz.org</a>) indicates my credentials: graduate of Harvard Law School 
(1943), combat soldier in World War Two (5 battle stars), Nuremberg war crimes 
Prosecutor and recent winner of the prestigious Erasmus Prize for lifetime 
service to humanity.

I am encouraged to write because I particularly appreciated your wise 
observation (C-SPAN, Jan. 6, 2010, and elsewhere) that you "would surely rather 
prevent a war than fight a war."  It was a reminder of President Eisenhower's 
conclusion that "the world no longer has a choice between force and law.  
If civilization is to survive it must choose the rule of law."  (May 19, 
1958).

Nuremberg, inspired by our most respected jurist, Robert M. Jackson, stood 
for the proposition that war-making was no longer a national right but an 
international crime for which responsible leaders could be held to account by 
an international court.  The reaffirmation by the United States that law 
applies equally to all was hailed throughout the world.  The primary goal was 
to deter illegal wars.  That has been my own primary goal for half a century 
and I am now calling to you for help, for the sake of our military, our 
country and the world.

I have written more on the crime of aggression than anyone (all of my books 
are available free on my website, courtesy the U.N. Audio-Visual Program).  
The Statute for the International Criminal Court that came into existence 
in 2002 lists aggression as one of the 4 crimes.  No one cane be tried for 
that particular crime until certain new conditions are met: (1) aggression 
must be defined - that sounds reasonable enough but ignores the fact that it 
has already been adequately defined; (2) the Security Council must determine 
that aggression by a State has occurred - that seems reasonable too but it 
ignores the fact that Security Council powers are already fully respected in 
the U.N. Charter and the existing Rome Statute.  Raising such non-persuasive 
arguments gives rise to fears and suspicions about U.S. intentions.  Until 
these obstacles are removed, aggressors will know that they remain immune and 
cannot face trial by the ICC.  Instead of deterring war, they will be 
encouraged to make war.    

The ICC Statute will be discussed at a meeting of the Assembly of State 
Parties between March 22 - 26, 2010,  in preparation for a Review Conference in 
Uganda, from May 3 - June 12, 2010.  With adequate determination and 
skilled draftsmanship, compromises to meet all legitimate concerns are possible.  
But the goal must be clear: the lock which now exists preventing aggressors 
from being tried must be removed from the courthouse door. Failure to make 
"the supreme international crime" punishable by the ICC would, in fact, be a 
repudiation of the Nuremberg Principles and the rule of law.  It would be a 
step backward instead of forward.

Despite contemporary political hesitations and legal ambiguities, we must 
not lose sight of long-range goals even if short term achievements seem 
minimal.  We were all proud when our President received the Nobel Prize for 
Peace.  I am quite sure that he favors a U.S. policy that may deter war.

I would be pleased to meet with you and your legal staff should further 
clarification be desired.

With all good wishes,



Benjamin B. Ferencz]]>
      
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>Nicaragua Anti-Abortion Law Becomes a Cancer Patient&apos;s Death Sentence</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2010/02/nicaragua_antiabortion_law_bec.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2010://32.9763</id>
   
   <published>2010-02-25T17:49:09Z</published>
   <updated>2010-02-25T17:51:18Z</updated>
   
   <summary>by Sarah Menkedick A pregnant 27-year old Nicaraguan woman has been refused treatment for metastatic cancer, a result of Nicaragua&apos;s draconian anti-abortion law. The law stipulates that women will face prison sentences for obtaining or attempting to obtain abortions, and...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Nicaragua" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      <![CDATA[by Sarah Menkedick

A pregnant 27-year old Nicaraguan woman has been refused treatment for metastatic cancer, a result of Nicaragua's draconian anti-abortion law. The law stipulates that women will face prison sentences for obtaining or attempting to obtain abortions, and health care professionals will face jail time for providing women with health services associated with abortions. It also refuses treatment for HIV/AIDS, cancer, malaria, and cardiac emergencies when such treatment may interfere with the life of the fetus.

The law is so complete that it criminalizes abortion even when carrying the pregnancy to term threatens the health or life of the mother (as in the case of the aforementioned woman with the pseudonym "Amelia," who is being denied cancer treatment because of potential harm to the fetus) or when the woman has been a victim of rape or incest. The majority of rape and incest victims who become pregnant are 10- to 14-year-old girls, forced into pregnancies that seriously endanger their physical and mental health at this immature state. Doctors have spoken out about their fear of treating pregnant women for disease, because if anything happens to the unborn fetus, they could be charged under the anti-abortion law.

Amelia's case has brought the hideousness of this law to international light. The particularly cruel irony in her case is that she is likely to die from the cancer before the baby is even born, meaning the government's policy will have not only killed the mother, but the baby as well. Amelia is also the mother of a 10-year-old girl, who apparently has no right to a mother, but does have the right to a sister. This is beyond absurd -- it is painfully, egregiously wrong.

Amelia's case is one of many, but it has come out because her sister, who doesn't want to lose Amelia to a law created by men to appease the Catholic Church, has spoken out and asked human rights groups to come to her aid. Amelia gets sicker and sicker by the day; the cancer is in her brain, lungs and breasts. Activists need to act immediately and demand that the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights petition Nicaragua's government to save Amelia's life and overturn this horrific law. This is not the right to life -- it is the right of the state to effectively hand death sentences to women.

I urge you to sign this petition immediately and help to save Amelia and so many other Nicaraguan's women's lives before it's too late. 

<a href="http://womensrights.change.org/blog/view/nicaragua_anti-abortion_law_becomes_a_cancer_patients_death_sentence#">http://womensrights.change.org/blog/view/nicaragua_anti-abortion_law_becomes_a_cancer_patients_death_sentence#</a>]]>
      
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>On the charges faced by Judge Garzon in Spain</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2010/02/on_the_charges_faced_by_judge.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2010://32.9681</id>
   
   <published>2010-02-19T00:36:38Z</published>
   <updated>2010-02-19T03:54:44Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Judge Baltasar Garzón came to international prominence a decade ago when he indicted former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet on charges of terrorism, torture and genocide. Since then, he has stayed in the public eye with a series of high-profile criminal...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Spain" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      <![CDATA[Judge Baltasar Garzón came to international prominence a decade ago when he indicted former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet on charges of terrorism, torture and genocide.  Since then, he has stayed in the public eye with a series of high-profile criminal investigations, such as that concerning the torture of suspected al-Qaida militants by American forces in Guantanamo.  However, it is now Garzón himself who is being investigated for wrongdoings in his position as a judge.  The main issues concern his acceptance of jurisdiction in a case involving the victims of Franco and serious accusations of corruption.  

This is a  summary of his current situation.

--
<b>The case of the Victims of the Francoist regime</b>

On December 2006 several Spanish lawyers submitted a series of criminal complaints before the Spanish National Audience (Audiencia Nacional) vis-a-vis the victims of Francoist repression in Spain. The Investigation Court to which it was assigned was Court No. 5, headed by Baltasar Garzón.

On January 29, 2008, the Prosecutor’s Office of the Audiencia Nacional, pursuant to the oral instructions of the State Attorney General issued its decision concerning the admissibility of the lawsuits, concluding that “it was not appropriate to admit for trial the lawsuits filed, ex art. 313 Lecrim, as the Central Court of Investigation is not competent and as a consequence the case should be closed”.

On October 16, 2008, almost 2 years after the complaints were initially filed, Baltasar Garzon issued a ruling stating that his court was competent and went on to investigate them. His investigation, unfortunately, was limited to locating and exhuming the bodies of the victims, rather than to ascertain criminal responsibility for their deaths. He had even restricted the investigation period to the years between 1936 and 1952.

Be it as it may, under Spanish law the National Audience is a court of limited jurisdiction, its jurisdiction includes crimes against the Crown, drugtraffiking, terrorism and serious crimes against human rights committed against Spaniards abroad. It does not, however, have jurisdiction over crimes committed by Spaniards on Spaniards in Spanish territory. "Natural" judges have jurisdiction on those cases. 

Given the fact that Garzon accepted jurisdiction in a case where he clearly did not have it, a fact that as a judge he knew or should have known, he was accused of "prevarication" (i.e. failing on his duties as a judge), a charge that is still pending. 

On September 2008, Equipo Nizkor and other organizations of victims of the Franco regime warned about the potential problems with Garzon taking on jurisdiction on this case  (see <a href="http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/espana/doc/bgen.html">http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/espana/doc/bgen.html</a>).  They also expressed concerns about the fact that  most of the complaints concerned the exhumation of bodies, rather than a criminal investigation as to those responsible for the killings, and the lack of reliance on international law (see <a href="http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/espana/doc/inhibit.html">http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/espana/doc/inhibit.html</a>.  As expected, the Prosecutor appealed Garzon's jurisdiction.

On November 7, 2008 the Criminal Division of the National Audience sitting in banc, in a 10 to 5 decision, sided with the prosecutor and ordered the investigative judge (Garzón) to stop the investigation.  On November 18, Garzón transferred 62 cases to the ordinary courts.

Under Spanish law, it is a very serious offense for a judge to wrongfully claim jurisdiction over a case.  The “Consejo General de la Magistratura” (the Judiciary General Council), the judicial organ charged with overseeing the judiciary, has an open investigation as to this matter.

More worrisome for Garzon (and potentially international justice), he has been sued by two Spanish right-wing groups which claim that his real error was on ruling that the crimes in question (the killings of Spanish citizens by the Francoist regime) constituted crimes against humanity. This suit has been accepted by the Spanish Supreme Court. The Supreme Court judge on charge of the case is the same one who pronounced a dissenting opinion in favor of Scilingo, the Argentine Navy captain famous for the "death flights" and who was convicted in Spain for crimes against humanity. One of the groups which brought on the suit is "Falange Española de la Jons", the Spanish equivalent of the National Socialist party in Germany.   The Spanish Congress recognized the legal legitimacy of this party when it issued  the so-called "Memory Law", a law that in the name of remembering the victims of the Spanish Civil War, has actually solidify impunity for Francoist crimes in Spain. (You can see the Supreme Court's decision accepting the complaint by the Falange at <a href="http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/espana/doc/garzon42.html">http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/espana/doc/garzon42.html</a>)

The real danger here is that the Supreme Court will rule in favor of these groups. Instead of just ruling on the objective and procedural question of Garzon’s competence, the Supreme Court can now enter into more substantive matters and can use this case as a means to reject the application of the criminal characterization of crimes against humanity to systematic acts of persecution committed during Franco’s Dictatorship.

<p><b>Corruption case</b>

Meanwhile, judge Garzon himself has greater legal problems. In 2004, Garzon took a paid sabbatical in the United States purportedly to study English.  While in the US,  he decided he wanted to give a series of lectures and be paid for them - despite the fact that Spanish judicial rules forbid judges from obtaining any compensation beyond their judicial salary.  A complaint on this specific matter was filed with the Consejo General de la Magistratura, but not until the statute of limitations had expired.

However, new evidence shows that Garzon had not only been paid for his lectures, but that he, himself had written to Emilio Botín, the president of the Santander bank, asking for money to fund them. Botín funded Garzón to the tune of E.300,000. Not too long after, Garzon closed a criminal case against Botín.  On February 2010, the Supreme Court accepted a criminal complaint against Garzon on charges of bribery (see <a href="http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/espana/doc/garzon41.html">http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/espana/doc/garzon41.html</a>).  Giving the pending charges, it's likely that Garzon will be suspended from his duties as an investigative judge.]]>
      
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>On the passing of Senator Ted Kennedy</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/08/on_the_passing_of_senator_ted.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8948</id>
   
   <published>2009-08-27T18:47:58Z</published>
   <updated>2010-01-06T23:21:38Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Derechos Human Rights and Equipo Nizkor want to express their deepest sorrow on the death of American Senator Ted Kennedy. Kennedy was a tireless fighter for human rights in the United States and Latin America. He was always by the...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="In Memoriam" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      Derechos Human Rights and Equipo Nizkor want to express their deepest sorrow on the death of American Senator Ted Kennedy.  Kennedy was a tireless fighter for human rights in the United States and Latin America.  He was always by the side of victims of human rights violations and their families.  His office took report after report, demanded investigation after investigation and through its intervention, it saved the lives of countless victims of political persecution and forced disappearances and prisoners of conscience.  His work on behalf of civil, social and economic rights in the United States improved the lives of thousands of people and serves an example for politicians the world over.

From the human rights movement, we will always remember Ted Kennedy and be grateful for his stands.

      
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>Execution of an Egyptian sentenced to death in Libya</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/07/execution_of_an_egyptian_sente.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8849</id>
   
   <published>2009-07-30T18:00:45Z</published>
   <updated>2009-07-30T18:02:04Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Cairo, on July 29th 2009 The Arab Center for the Independence of the Judiciary and the Legal Profession, expresses its strong dissatisfaction that the Libyan authorities executed the Egyptian citizens Fadl Ismail Htitah on Tuesday, 7-28-2009, pursuant to the issuance...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Libya" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      Cairo, on July 29th 2009

The Arab Center for the Independence of the Judiciary and the Legal Profession, expresses its strong dissatisfaction that the Libyan authorities executed the Egyptian citizens Fadl Ismail Htitah on Tuesday, 7-28-2009, pursuant to the issuance of a death sentence against him by the Libyan judiciary

It should be noted that the citizen in question was executed after the Benghazi prison authorities isolated him and citizen Haitham El-Shahat Abd elqawi on 7-27-2009 in preparation for the implementation of the death penalty against them.

What aggravates the  center’s resentment, is that the execution of the citizen in question, despite he had a concession from the blood guardians of the victim and he paid the blood money, according to the Libyan law of conciliation and blood money, but the Libyan Attorney General has refused to invoke the conciliation document, on the basis that it had not been documented by the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The center has many concerns is that the Egyptians convicted of death penalty haven’t been released yet, although they have reconciliation and compromise from the blood guardians  in accordance to the Libyan law of conciliation and blood money. Furthermore, the continued detention in the Libyan prisons for more than three years after their reconciliation and compromise and in spite of the continued Libyan authorities to release convicted in similar situations, like for example the release of a Sudanese and a Libyan on 17/2/2009. in addition another convicted had been released also on Monday, Feb 23, 2009, although he does not have a compromise.

Worth mentioning, that the Egyptians that were sentenced to death in Libya are 25 persons distributed in the Libyan prisons in Tripoli and Benghazi.  Six convicted persons obtained compromise from the relatives of the victims as they accepted the blood money,  they deserve immediate release by the force of law, namely: (Sami Fathi Abdel - Raboh – Hussein El sayed Darwish - Abdel-Halim El sayed  Abdel-Halim - Farhat Abdo Farhat - Adel Abdel-Azim Omar - Mohamed Omar Ibrahim)

While the sentences against 5 convicted persons  were suspended pending judicial appeals to the provisions of their right to the Libyan Supreme Court, while negotiations are currently done on 13 convicted persons, by an Egyptian-Libyan committee composed from Libyan civil society institutions and the Arab Center for the Independence of the Judiciary and the Legal Profession.

The Arab Center for the Independence of the Judiciary and the Legal Profession call upon the Libyan authorities to release the convicts who have completed their conciliation and compromise process immediately, and appealed to the Libyan authorities, to pardon the rest of the convicted persons to implement the directions of His Excellency the Libyan leader on the death penalty.

The center also appeals to His Excellency the President of Egypt, to intervene directly to the Libyan authorities on the release of the Egyptians, who had been sentenced to death, and then got on reconciliation and compromise by the guardians of blood, and who entitled in accordance with the provisions of Libyan law on retribution and blood money to be released immediately.

      
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>Thoughts on Iran</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/06/thoughts_on_iran.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8772</id>
   
   <published>2009-06-24T19:55:12Z</published>
   <updated>2009-06-24T19:59:25Z</updated>
   
   <summary>This blog posting comes from Laurie King, a writer, human rights activist and adjunct professor at the Center for Contemporary Arab Studies at Georgetown. --- I&apos;ve seen the heartbreaking video of the young Iranian woman, Neda, dying on the street...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Iran" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      This blog posting comes from Laurie King, a writer,  human rights activist and adjunct professor at the Center for Contemporary Arab Studies at Georgetown. 

---

I&apos;ve  seen the heartbreaking video of the young Iranian woman, Neda,  
dying on the street in Tehran a dozen times now. Unspeakably shocking,  
horrible and tragic. I&apos;m afraid her life and death will be used now in  
possibly distasteful ways, though. The whole Iran story has left me  
strangely distraught. I&apos;m shocked by friends who seem to think the  
protestors are pawns of imperial powers and completely devoid of sense  
or agency. For some, a global war against neoliberalism trumps the  
tragedies that this film clip embodies. Then there are the &quot;let&apos;s go  
to war and save the Iranian people&quot; contingent. Most of whom are the  
same people who would have applauded had Israel bombed the hell out of  
Tehran, killing Neda and hundreds of others.

Iran has to find it&apos;s own way. For the US to intervene would be a huge  
mistake. US legitimacy and credibility in the world is nil, after the  
disastrous Bush-Cheney misadventures in the Middle East.

Then there is my bitter question: Why don&apos;t the deaths of Palestinian  
children and women cause such outrage and alarm? That&apos;s why I say  
&quot;Down with Ideological Purity&quot;, or more to the point, down with anyone  
who wants to mourn some deaths while ignoring others, or want to mourn  
for reasons that are more self-serving than humanitarian.

And then there&apos;s the simply ridiculous and surreal: The call to  
nominate twitter for a Nobel prize. Or, last night, seeing Mavis Leno,  
wife of Jay Leno, on the Larry King (no relation!) Show talking about  
how Iranian women are now finally &quot;finding their voice.&quot; I can think  
of ten Iranian women who could have spoken eloquently and incisively  
about the shooting of this young woman. But no: We get the rather  
inarticulate wife of a celebrity who knows nothing about Iran saying  
&quot;well, now Iranian women will be able to wear their chadors in a new  
style that will allow them to show more hair!&quot; (Apparently she is  
active with some group called Feminist Majority. As if &quot;feminist&quot;  
means the same thing all over the world, or as if what Americans think  
of as liberated is what Iranians would think of as &quot;liberated.&quot;)

The message of emotionally-overwrought US news coverage of Iran seems  
to be that Modernization = Americanization, modernization is  
inevitable, and America is a beacon of freedom to the world. Not to so  
people living not far from Iran: Palestinians, who are, alas, a people  
our country is ACTIVELY involved in oppressing in criminal ways. I did  
not see journalists, congresspeople, pundits, or many Facebook and  
twitter friends getting outraged at the murders of over 1000  
Palestinians in January.

But do I think Ahmadinejad is some sort of model of a progressive  
leader that the left should support? Hell, no. He&apos;s Iran&apos;s version of  
George Bush. (Recall that he said that &quot;There are no gay people in  
Iran. That&apos;s a Western sickness.&quot;) The point is not &quot;Is Mousavi better  
or any different?&quot; but rather, what else could a movement like the one  
unfolding on the streets of Iran accomplish and change? Here we are  
watching what appears to be a really transformative moment, but one  
that everyone wants to harness to their own agenda. And to my friends  
on the Left (where I sit myself): Does neoliberalism mean anything  
different, or play out in new ways, in the new economic crisis  
situation, in what can reasonably be described as the post-American  
Empire period of the 21st century? What does that mean for a  
progressive agenda? Do we even think and reflect anymore, or just  
shout slogans? And if you are sitting in a Starbucks somewhere  
updating your FB account from an iPhone and posting about how Iranian  
youth are unwitting tools of the US or the World Bank or the IMF and  
don&apos;t understand political economy, try facing people with guns who  
don&apos;t want to hear you assert your will and desires in public.

The American left does not know much about Iran. So chill out and  
listen and learn, people, before defending basijis or painting the  
Supreme Leader as a victim. If the protestors prevail, the biggest  
disappointment will be felt among the Likud in Israel and the neocons  
in the US (note that Daniel Pipes said he&apos;d vote for Ahmadinejad if he  
were Iranian). With no Evil Mad Man of the week (which is overstating  
the abilities and impact of a bumpkin like Ahmadinejad) to stir up  
fear to legitimate an Israeli or American attack on Iran, it&apos;s gonna  
be a boring summer for the warmongers in Israel and Washington.

And do note that Iranian youth are not protesting for the right to  
wear miniskirts, body piercings, or play with the Wii all day. They  
don&apos;t want to undo the Islamic revolution (which was initially all  
about social justice before corrupt mullahs hijacked it), but rather,  
to upgrade and adjust their system of governance in the way that they  
see fit. Listening to the young Iranian people being interviewed, I  
have to say they are smarter and more mature than most American  
teenagers I know. I hope no more of them get killed by thugs. This is  
what democracy looks like, my fellow Americans who did not go to the  
streets to protest when Bush and Cheney stole the election in 2000  
(and very possibly 2004, too).

A little respect for others&apos; struggles is in order. It&apos;s not always  
all about us (i.e., from the left feeling that the Iranians are not  
protesting as they think they should, or the center-left&apos;s self- satisfaction that women&apos;s liberation is now breaking out, or the  
right&apos;s maudlin crocodile tears for young women like Neda, whose death  
they seem to want to use to push American intervention in a country  
that has had very, very bad experiences with US interference. Maybe we  
should all start intervening in our own systems of governance, which  
don&apos;t reflect or embody much social justice. Ultimately, it&apos;s about  
dignity not ideology. If you aren&apos;t supporting and safeguarding  
others&apos; dignity, then you are not a revolutionary.


      
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>Shell settles Saro Wiwa lawsuit</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/06/shell_settles_saro_wiwa_lawsui.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8738</id>
   
   <published>2009-06-08T17:39:24Z</published>
   <updated>2009-06-09T04:06:46Z</updated>
   
   <summary>It&apos;s been over a decade since Ken Saro Wiwa and other Ogoni environmental rights activists were executed by the Abacha government in Nigeria. Saro Wiwa had led a peaceful protest against the environmental degradation brought about by Shell&apos;s oil exploitation...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Nigeria" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      <![CDATA[It's been over a decade since <a href="http://remembersarowiwa.com/">Ken Saro Wiwa</a> and other Ogoni environmental rights activists were executed by the Abacha government in Nigeria.  Saro Wiwa had led a peaceful protest against the environmental degradation brought about by Shell's oil exploitation in the Ogoniland region.   Saro Wiwa was very successful in garnishing international attention for the plight of his people, and Shell and the Nigerian government wanted him out of the way - they thus conspired to have him tried on made up charges by a military tribunal.  Despite the best efforts of thousands of human rights activists worldwide, Saro Wiwa and other activists were quickly found guilty and executed.

His family and his people continued to fight for justice - suing Shell for complicity in the torture, killing, and other abuses of Saro Wiwa and his colleagues.  Today, on the eve of the start of the trial, Shell settled for $15.5 million - thus tacitly admitting responsibility for such crimes.

Of course, money does not equate justice. Brian Anderson, the head of Shell's Nigeria operations, and the others who conspired in the torture and eath of the Ogoni activists should face criminal charges as well - but every step towards justice is a good one.  I congratulate <a href="http://www.earthrights.org/">Earth Rights</a>, the <a href="http://ccrjustice.org/">Center for Constitutional Rights</a> and the private lawyers who worked tirelessly on this effort.

What follows is the press release by the organizations that sponsored the trial.]]>
      Settlement Reached in Human Rights Cases Against Royal Dutch/Shell

On Eve of Trial, Settlement Agreements Provide $15.5 Million for Compensation to Nigerian Human Rights Activists and to Establish Trust Fund

CONTACT: press@ccrjustice.org

New York, June 8, 2009 — Today, the parties in Wiwa v. Shell agreed to settle human rights claims charging the Royal Dutch/Shell company, its Nigerian subsidiary, Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC or Shell Nigeria), and the former head of its Nigerian operation, Brian Anderson, with complicity in the torture, killing, and other abuses of Ogoni leader Ken Saro-Wiwa and other non-violent Nigerian activists in the mid-1990s in the Ogoni region of the Niger Delta.

The settlement, whose terms are public, provides a total of $15.5 million.  These funds will compensate the 10 plaintiffs, who include family members of the deceased victims; establish a Trust intended to benefit the Ogoni people; and cover a portion of plaintiffs’ legal fees and costs. The settlement is only on behalf of the individual plaintiffs for their individual claims.  It does not resolve outstanding issues between Shell and the Ogoni people, and the plaintiffs did not negotiate on behalf of the Ogoni people.

Plaintiff Ken Saro-Wiwa, Jr., the son of Ken Saro-Wiwa explained, “In reaching this settlement, we were very much aware that we are not the only Ogonis who have suffered in our struggle with Shell, which is why we insisted on creating the Kiisi Trust.”  The Kiisi Trust—Kiisi means “Progress” in the plaintiffs’ Ogoni language—will allow for initiatives in Ogoni for educational endowments, skills development, agricultural development, women’s programs, small enterprise support, and adult literacy.

Judith Chomsky, cooperating attorney with the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) and of the attorneys who initiated the lawsuit, stated, “The fortitude shown by our clients in the 13-year struggle to hold Shell accountable has helped establish a principle that goes beyond Shell and Nigeria—that corporations, no matter how powerful, will be held to universal human rights standards.”

Added Jennie Green, the CCR staff attorney who initiated the lawsuit in 1996, “This was one of the first cases to charge a multinational corporation with human rights violations, and this settlement confirms that multinational corporations can no longer act with the impunity they once enjoyed.”

Wiwa v. Royal Dutch Petroleum, Wiwa v. SPDC, and Wiwa v. Anderson are three lawsuits filed by CCR, co-counsel EarthRights International (ERI), and private law firms on behalf of relatives of murdered Ogoni activists and other injured Ogonis who were fighting for human rights and environmental justice in their homeland.  Plaintiffs charged Royal Dutch Shell, Shell Nigeria, and Anderson with complicity in extrajudicial killing, crimes against humanity, torture, and other human rights claims.

Plaintiffs in the case include the relatives of the executed activists Ken Saro-Wiwa, John Kpuinen, Saturday Doobee, Daniel Gbokoo, Felix Nuate, and Dr. Barinem Kiobel.  Dr. Owens Wiwa, Ken Saro-Wiwa’s brother, and Michael Tema Vizor brought claims for the torture and detention that resulted in their exile from Nigeria.  Further claims were brought by Karalolo Kogbara, who lost her arm, and on behalf of Uebari N-nah, who was killed in attacks on Ogoni civilians.

Anthony DiCaprio, an attorney who has worked on the case for many years, commented, “Throughout this very long process, I have been humbled by our clients’ unwavering courage and resilience. Their satisfaction with the result that we have been able to achieve is extremely gratifying.”

Human rights attorney Paul Hoffman, trial counsel in the Wiwa cases and partner at the law firm of Schonbrun, De Simone, Seplow, Harris and Hoffman, noted, “This settlement is only a first step towards the resolution of still outstanding issues between Shell and the Ogoni people.”  

Oil operations in Nigeria have been chief among Shell’s assets for many decades. Critics charge that Shell’s aim for the lowest possible production cost, without regard for the resulting damage to the surrounding people and land, has wreaked havoc on local communities and the environment, including the still on-going practice of gas flaring.  In the early 1990s, the Ogoni, led by Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, began organized, non-violent protests against Shell’s practices. Shell grew increasingly concerned with the heightened international prominence of the Ogoni movement and made payments to security forces that they knew to be engaging in human rights violations against the local communities.  The military government violently repressed the demonstrations, arrested Ogoni activists, and falsely accused nine Ogoni activists of murder and bribed witnesses to give fake testimony.  The nine, including Ken Saro-Wiwa, were denied a fair trial and then hanged on November 10, 1995.

Said Agnieszka Fryszman, co-counsel with the law firm of Cohen Millstein Sellers &amp; Toll, “The case has been pending for many years, and this settlement puts an end to what would likely have been yet another long round of appeals.”

Marco Simons, ERI Legal Director, stated, “The courts repeatedly rejected Shell’s efforts to dismiss this case, setting important legal precedents for the continued prosecution of corporations in breach of international law. This reinforces the plaintiffs’ demands that corporations such as Shell safeguard human rights and the environment.”

For complete documentation of the legal briefs and further background information, visit www.ccrjustice.org, www.earthrights.org, and www.sdshh.com. 
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>Some thoughts on Obama and Human Rights</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/05/some_thoughts_on_obama_and_hum.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8701</id>
   
   <published>2009-05-21T18:57:07Z</published>
   <updated>2009-05-22T22:07:10Z</updated>
   
   <summary>There has been much criticism of Obama&apos;s Bushesque human rights policies in recent days and weeks in the American press. However, I&apos;m not sure that the extent of Obama&apos;s continuation of Bush&apos;s repressive and illegal policies is commonly known outside...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="USA" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      There has been much criticism of Obama&apos;s Bushesque human rights policies in recent days and weeks in the American press.  However, I&apos;m not sure that the extent of Obama&apos;s continuation of Bush&apos;s repressive and illegal policies is commonly known outside the US.  For those of us who maintained even a glimpse of hope that Obama would be significantly different than Bush, what is happening is very disappointing.   In short, the administration wants to limit habeas corpus, leave open the door for continuing the use of torture and forced disappearances, maintain the power of the president to arbitrarily detain people indefinitely and spy on them without judicial oversight.  Not surprisingly, the administration also wants to solidify the impunity of those responsible for committing such vile acts.

I don&apos;t need to explain to you how these policies are not only violative of the human rights of the people involved, but also how they profoundly threaten the core of any liberal democracy, of justice and therefore peace.  As the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states: &quot;it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law&quot;.  And, in the United States, the rule of law has been broken - and, according to the deeds of the current administration, it will stay that way.

What I find most insidious, most dangerous, is that Obama is covering his repressive policies in the language of human rights.  He pronounces the importance of the rule of law, while at the same time he undermines it.  Doublespeak, if you will. 

The following is a brief overview of the human rights that continue to be threatened under the Obama administration:
      <![CDATA[-<b>Habeas Corpus</b>

I see habeas corpus as the most fundamental right a person can have.  Without it, without the ability to go to an impartial judge who has the power to enforce the law, no other human right can be protected.  That's why the Magna Carta enshrined it, and why it appears in the body of, rather than as an amendment to, the US Constitution.  The right is so fundamental that even the most repressive regimes have not repealed it from their bodies of law.  The Bush administration, on the other hand, tried to do just that and the Obama administration continues that policy - denying habeas corpus to  people captured by the United States throughout the world and <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/22/washington/22bagram.html?_r=2&scp=2&sq=bagram&st=cse">rendered to Afghani prisons</a>.  

-<b>Arbitrary Detention</b>

In a <a href="http://www.salon.com/news/primary_sources/2009/05/21/gitmo_speech/print.html">"civil rights"</a> speech recently, Obama promised to detain indefinitely prisoners who, for whatever reason, "cannot be prosecuted".   The Obama administration has argued their right to do so in court, and recently they <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/21/us/politics/21bates.html">won a judgment</a> authorizing them to do just that.

-<b>Torture</b>

The Obama administration issued an <a href="http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/EnsuringLawfulInterrogations/">executive order</a> last January saying that interrogations must conform with the Army Field Manual.  However, the order also created a "Special Task Force on Interrogation and Transfer Policies" that has the power "to recommend any additional or different guidance" on interrogations to that of the Army Field Manual "for other departments or agencies", i.e., the CIA.  This leaves a huge door open to the use of "enhanced interrogation techniques".

-<b>Forced Disappearances / Renditions</b>

Enforced disappearances are defined as "the arrest, detention, abduction or any other form of deprivation of liberty committed by agents of the State or by persons or groups of persons acting with the authorization, support or acquiescence of the State, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person, which place such a person outside the protection of the law." What the United States calls "extraordinary renditions" are, under international law, nothing else than forced disappearances.  Obama has not forbidden the use of extraordinary renditions.  His January executive order does away with long-term CIA secret detention centers (no longer so secret), but allows the CIA to continue using clandestine centers "on a short-term, transitory basis."  The order, of course, does not define how long that would be.  Furthermore, it does not prohibit the rendition of prisoners to other countries as long as it's not  "to face torture or otherwise for the purpose, or with the effect, of undermining or circumventing the commitments or obligations of the United States to ensure the humane treatment of individuals in its custody or control."  In other words, US forces can render prisoners to countries where torture is commonly practiced, as long as the purpose of such rendition is not to face torture.  In his May speech, Obama confirmed that his administration will continue rendering prisoners to other countries "for detention".

-<b>Due Process</b>

The right to due process probably follows that of habeas corpus as the most fundamental one for insuring the enforcement of all other human rights.  The Obama administration has recently decided that the prisoners currently held at Guantanamo Bay should be tried by military commissions.  The use of such commissions, by definition, implies that the full array of due process rights guarantee by the US Constitution and the International Covenant on Civil and Political rights, are unlikely to be granted to the accused.

This list is, unfortunately, not exclusive, but it shows that as human rights advocates, we must continue our work of pressing the United States government to respect fundamental rights, just as much now as a year ago.  And those voices should be heard not only from inside the country, but from outside as well.  Obama campaigned on the premise that the United States had to improve its image before the world.  Let's let him know that he cannot do that without reversing Bush's anti-human rights policies.

Margarita Lacabe
Derechos Human Rights.]]>
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>EOHR received a response from the Ministry of Social Solidarit</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/05/eohr_received_a_response_from.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8661</id>
   
   <published>2009-05-14T00:16:42Z</published>
   <updated>2009-05-14T00:20:14Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Yesterday I sent a press release about the threatened closure of the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights. I did not do my due diligence to find out if the situation had changed until after I sent the story - for...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Egypt" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      Yesterday I sent a press release about the threatened closure of the  Egyptian Organization for Human Rights.  I did not do my due diligence to find out if the situation had changed until after I sent the story - for which I apologize.  Here is the statement by the EOHR on the response by the  Ministry of Social Solidarity, which is backing down from its previous threat.
      EOHR received a response from the Ministry of Social Solidarity on the threat of dissolution, It calls for passing an alternative bill replacing Law No.84 2002

May 11th, 2009 by Editor

The Egyptian Organization for Human Rights ( EOHR) received a letter from the Ministry of Social Solidarity on Sunday 10/5/2009 . The  letter signed by Mrs. Aziza Youssef, head of the central administration for associations ,stating that “There are no such  procedures issued to dissolve EOHR’s board of trustees, Since it is just a request to the data of implementing the project related to the grant received from The Center of Media Freedom in the Middle East and North Africa in Morocco . The goal of the administration is to inform EOHR to such usual procedures and  the letter included a reference to  article 42 of law No. 84 2002, resulting in the conclusion that there is an attempt  to dissolve the organization  or take a legal action against it, and this did not happen”.   

 

 Mr. Hafez Abu Seada Secretary-General of EOHR, confirmed that the crisis which has escalated  recently between EOHR and the administration side reveals the need to stipulate quickly a new bill for NGOs replacing the current law No. 84 of 2002. He calls the Ministry of Social Solidarity to take into consideration  the project prepared by EOHR and Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies(CIHRS) and other number of NGOs when drafting the final amendments for law 84 before submitting them to the parliament.

  

As for most important principles of this project are the following:

 

-       limiting the intervention of the administrative bodies in the work of NGOs.

-       Encouraging NGOs to work effectively in the community.

-       Empowering NGOs to express about ideas and work freely.

-       Facilitating measures of establishment through notification.

 

It is noteworthy that the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights had received a letter from the Ministry of Social Solidarity warning EOHR of the possibility of dismantling the organization stating that EOHR received foreign funding without authorization.

 

   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>EGYPT: New harassment of a human rights organisation</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/05/egypt_new_harassment_of_a_huma.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8651</id>
   
   <published>2009-05-12T17:55:33Z</published>
   <updated>2009-05-12T17:57:29Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Copenhagen-Geneva-Paris, April 30, 2009. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint programme of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), and the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (EMHRN) express their...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Egypt" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      Copenhagen-Geneva-Paris, April 30, 2009. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint programme of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), and the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (EMHRN) express their deep concern about the warning letter received by the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR) from the Egyptian Ministry of Social Solidarity, which seriously undermines freedom of association in Egypt.

On April 27, 2009, the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR) received a letter from the Egyptian Ministry of Social Solidarity, Masr-El-Kadima district authority, in which it was warned that the organisation risks to be subjected to closure and dissolution for violating Law of Association No. 84 of 2002. More specifically, the Ministry, which is the competent executive authority for all non-governmental organisations, indicated that Article 42 of the NGO Laws had been breached by EOHR, which, allegedly, had received unauthorised foreign funding.
      This warning came as a great shock to EOHR staff and board members, who had conformed to all law provisions before proceeding with their activities, despite the highly restrictive nature of Law of Association 84/2002.

The Ministry’s action would have been instigated following the regional conference entitled “Information is a right for all”, organised in Cairo jointly by EOHR and the Centre of Media Freedom in the Middle East and North Africa (CMF MENA), Morocco, on January 27-28, 2009, which focused on freedom of expression, as well as the right to a free flow of information. Six months prior to the conference, on July 31, 2008, EOHR had submitted to the authorities notice of the event as well as a request to receive funds from its partner institution in Morocco, in order to cover expenses for the conference. However, since no response had been received from relevant authorities within the time frame as provided by law, the request was deemed implicitly approved and both organisations proceeded with the organisation of the event.

Furthermore, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and the EMHRN fear that EOHR’s efforts in favour of the amendment of Law No. 84 of 2002 in order to bring it in conformity to international standards may stand as the genuine reason for the warning of dissolution.

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and the EMHRN remain concerned about the situation of human rights defenders and their organisations in Egypt, and fear that the action taken by the Egyptian Ministry of Social Solidarity replicates the administrative harassment inflicted upon the Association for Human Rights and Legal Aid (AHLRA), which had been dissolved in September 2007 pursuant to Article 17(2) of the same Law, under the same pretext of unauthorised foreign funding. While the Observatory welcomes the re-registration of AHLRA in October 2008, it fears that the tenets of the Law 84/2002 will be used continuously to restrain and intimidate NGOs operating in Egypt. To that extent, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and the EMHRN recall that the provisions of the Egyptian Law of Association do not meet internationally accepted standards and grant executive authorities undue powers of interference into NGOs’ internal affairs.

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and the EMHRN therefore calls upon the Egyptian authorities to put an end to any act of harassment against EOHR activities and ensure in all circumstances that its members are able to carry out their work freely without any hindrances, as well as to ensure that their legislation complies with international and regional human rights standards on freedom of association, including the provisions of the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 9, 1998.

For further information, please contact:
FIDH: Karine Appy / Gael Grilhot, + 33 1 43 55 25 18 
OMCT: Delphine Reculeau, + 41 22 809 49 39 
EMHRN: Marc Degli-Esposti, +45 32 64 17 16

   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>Mexico: Human Rights &amp; US aid</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/05/over_70_mexican_human_rights.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8631</id>
   
   <published>2009-05-07T21:18:17Z</published>
   <updated>2009-05-08T20:25:54Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Over 70 Mexican human rights organizations have written to the US Congress expressing their concern over the military aid to fight the drug traffic that the United States is providing Mexico. The US Congress is considering increasing that aid significantly....</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Mexico" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
         <category term="USA" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      Over 70 Mexican human rights organizations have written to the US Congress expressing their concern over the military aid to fight the drug traffic that the United States is providing Mexico.  The US Congress is considering increasing that aid significantly.  The organizations request that human rights be put in the agenda of any conversation between the US and Mexico.
 
The following is the letter they&apos;ve sent.
      May 6, 2009 
 
 
To: The Honorable Congress of the United States of America 
 
Hon. Patrick Leahy, Chairman, Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs 
Committee on Appropriations 
United States Senate 
 
Hon. Nita M. Lowey, Chair, Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs 
Committee on Appropriations 
United States House of Representatives 
 
Hon. Judd Greg, Ranking Member, Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs 
Committee on Appropriations 
United States Senate 
 
Hon. Kay Granger, Ranking Member, Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs 
Committee on Appropriations 
United States House of Representatives 
 
 
Honorable Members of Congress: 
 
 
The  signatory  organizations  listed  below  address  you,  honorable  representatives  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States of America,  following President Barack Obama’s visit  to Mexico on April 16 and 17, as well as  the visits by 
high level public officials from the Obama administration in previous weeks; all of which represent a significant step 
forward  in  relations between our  countries.    In particular,  in  this  letter we outline our concrete  concerns  regarding 
military assistance from the United States to Mexico.   
 
We  have  closely  monitored  the  impact  of  public  security  policies  implemented  by  the  current  presidential 
administrations in both Mexico and the United States as well as bilateral assistance in this area.  In this respect we 
make special mention of recent statements, such as those made by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, in which high 
level officials of the President Obama administration have recognized the United States’ responsibility in the problem 
of  drug  trafficking-  related  violence  in Mexico  owing  to  factors  such  as  the  high  demand  for  drugs  in  the United 
States.   
 
Furthermore, we welcome recent comments by the Secretary for Homeland Security, Janet Napolitano, which affirm 
that strengthening civil  institutions, not  increasing militarization,  is  the answer  to combating high  levels of violence 
along  the  United  States-Mexico  border.   We  hope  that  this  perspective  is  shared  by  the  U.S.  Congress  when 
determining how to allocate funds for public security and to support Mexico.    
 
We wish  to emphasize  the current reality  in Mexico where President Felipe Calderón has  introduced a package of 
proposed legislative reforms to our Congress which contemplate declaring states of emergency that would justify the 
takeover  and  control  of  the  Mexican  Army  over  civilian  institutions  when  these  are  considered  inadequate  or 
inefficient  and  when  such  a measure  is  considered  strategic  for  national  security.    These  proposed  reforms  are 
concerning because of the abuses that can arise from the militarization of public security.   
 
Taking  this  into account, we express our serious concerns and  reservations  regarding  the military aid provided by 
the United States  to Mexico.    Instead, we urge  for an approach  that  is more comprehensive and  respectful of  the 
human and civil rights of the Mexican population.    
We take this opportunity to highlight the following points:  
 
•  Through  the  Merida  Initiative,  the  U.S.  Congress  has  approved  the  expenditure  of  700  million  dollars 
directed  to Mexico during  its  first  two years.   The package  includes a significant portion of  foreign military 
financing; especially in the first year of funding.  
•  In 2008, the United States Department of Defense stated that it had designated almost 13 million dollars in 
assistance  to Mexico under Section 1206  to strengthen  the capacity of Mexican armed  forces  to carry out 
anti-terrorist operations. 
•  Recent statements by the Obama Administration and congressional leaders indicate that Congress will soon 
be contemplating sizeable  increases  in  funding  for  “the war against drugs”  in Mexico as part of  the FY09 
Appropriations Supplemental Request, including $350 million dollars for the Department of Defense for anti-
drug  operations  and  other  security-related  activities  on  the  United  States-Mexico  border  and  over  $400 
million  dollars  in  assistance  for  counternarcotics  efforts  in  Mexico  that  will  be  channeled  through  the 
Department of State.  We are concerned about  the  lack of clear  information on  the specific designation of 
these funds and the possibility that they will be utilized to support further military assistance inside Mexico or 
militarization of the border region. 
•  Funding for the Merida Initiative in the 2010 budget will soon be under discussion.   
 
In  light  of  the  previous  points,  it  is  critical  to  contextualize  the  problems  implicit  in  foreign military  funding  in  the 
current circumstances in Mexico: 
 
•  The deployment of the Mexican Army to carry out public security tasks that legally correspond to the civilian 
police has brought with  it a  significant  increase  in human  rights violations  in  the  last  two years,  including 
extrajudicial executions, torture, arbitrary detentions and rape.  In fact, the number of complaints for human 
rights  violations  committed  by  members  of  the  armed  forces  registered  by  the  National  Human  Rights 
Commission has increased six-fold during the last two years, reaching 1,230 in 20081.   
•  This situation owes itself in large part to considerations such as:  
◦  The  Army  is  not  trained  to  carry  out  tasks  that  legally  correspond  to  civilian  institutions.    On  the 
contrary, the mentality of the armed forces is to confront an enemy force and not to protect the rights of 
the civilian population in the context of normal policing tasks. 
◦  There is an almost complete absence of transparency in cases of human rights violations committed by 
soldiers,  due  to  the  use  of military  jurisdiction  to  investigate  and  prosecute members  of  the  armed 
forces responsible for such actions.   According to  information obtained through freedom of  information 
mechanisms,  in  the  first  two  years  of  the  presidential  term  of  Felipe  Calderón,  military  authorities 
opened  170  investigations  under military  jurisdiction  in which  the  victims were  civilians;  in  this  same 
period only 10 of  these  investigations  resulted  in  indictments.   To date we have no knowledge of any 
conviction or sentence  in a case of human  rights violations committed by  the armed  forces during  the 
current presidential administration.  
 
The  involvement of  the armed  forces  in policing  tasks  is not an effective  response  to combat drug  trafficking and 
violence  associated with  organized  crime.   Military  presence  can  at  times  result  in  an  increase  in  the  number  of 
arrests; however, as an overall strategy it has not proven to be effective as it fails to address the factors that cause 
and perpetuate violence.  An approach that  takes the social factors  that contribute  to crime  into account is urgently 
needed; instead of attacking crime with short-term approaches that respond only to situational contingencies.   
 
We  respectfully  request  that  the U.S. Congress and Department of State,  in both  the Merida  Initiative as  in other 
programs  to support public security  in Mexico, does not allocate funds or direct programs to the armed forces.  We 
believe that a change of paradigm is needed in order to combat the factors that cause drug trafficking and violence; 
instead of only combating their symptoms.  
                                                 
1 See the annual report of the National Human Rights Commission, available at: www.cndh.org.mx.  
Any response to violence caused by drug trafficking must include measures to: 
 
•  Improve  the  access  to drug  treatment  in  the United States and  implement other measures  to  reduce  the 
demand for drugs in both countries. 
•  Reduce the flow of arms from the United States to Mexico. 
•  In  terms of the possibility of providing funds  to Mexico to  improve  the public security situation, any funding 
considered should take into account:  
◦  Programs that address the root causes of insecurity such as poverty, inequality and the lack of access 
to educational and employment opportunities that allow the population to live a life of dignity.  
◦  The strengthening of civil institutions, with civil and not military control; including the positive aspects of 
the judicial reform in Mexico such as the implementation of oral trials and an adversarial justice system.  
 
Given the current considerations for the Merida Initiative 2010 budget and the possibility of more military financing to 
Mexico being channeled through the Department of Defense, we hope that the U.S. government takes into account 
the  concerns  and  suggestions  outlined  in  this  letter  in  order  to  re-design  assistance  programs  to  Mexico.    In 
particular, we urge the United States to consider ways to support a holistic response to security problems; based on 
tackling the root causes of violence and ensuring the full respect of human rights; not on the logic of combat.  
 
 
 
Signatory organizations (all Mexican non-governmental human rights organizations): 
 
The National Network of Human Rights Civil Organizations “Todos los Derechos para Todas y Todos”  
Agenda LGBT 
Asistencia Legal por los Derechos Humanos, A.C. (Distrito Federal) 
Asociación Jalisciense de Apoyo a los Grupos Indígenas, A.C. (Guadalajara, Jalisco) 
Asociación para la Defensa de los Derechos Ciudadanos &quot;Miguel Hidalgo&quot;, A.C. (Jacala, Hidalgo) 
Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir, A.C. (Distrito Federal) 
Centro “Fray Julián Garcés” Derechos Humanos y Desarrollo Local, A. C. (Tlaxcala, Tlaxcala) 
Centro de Apoyo al Trabajador, A.C. (Puebla, Puebla) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos &quot;Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas&quot;, A. C. (San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas)  
Centro de Derechos Humanos &quot;Fray Francisco de Vitoria O.P.&quot;, A. C. (CDHFV) (Distrito Federal) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos &quot;Miguel Agustín Pro Juárez&quot;, A. C. (PRODH) (Distrito Federal) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos “Don Sergio” (Jiutepec, Morelos) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos “Fray Matías de Córdova”. A.C. (Tapachula, Chiapas) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos de la Montaña, Tlachinollan, A. C. (Tlapa, Guerrero) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres, A.C. (Chihuahua) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos, “Juan Gerardi”, A. C. (Torreón, Coahuila) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos Ñu’u Ji Kandií, A. C. (Tlaxiaco, Oaxaca) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos Paso del Norte (Cd. Juárez) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos Solidaridad Popular, A.C. (Monterrey, Nuevo Leon) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos Tepeyac del Istmo de Tehuantepec, A. C. (Tehuantepec, Oaxaca) 
Centro de Derechos Humanos Victoria Diez, A.C. (León, Guanajuato) 
Centro de Derechos Indígenas “Flor y Canto”, A. C. (Oaxaca, Oaxaca) 
Centro de Derechos Indígenas A. C. (Bachajón, Chiapas) 
Centro de Estudios Fronterizos y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos, A. C. (Reynosa, Tamaulipas) 
Centro de Justicia para la Paz y el Desarrollo, A. C. (CEPAD) (Guadalajara, Jalisco) 
Centro de Reflexión y Acción Laboral (CEREAL-DF) (Distrito Federal) 
Centro de Reflexión y Acción Laboral (CEREAL-Guadalajara) (Guadalajara, Jalisco) 
Centro Diocesano para los Derechos Humanos “Fray Juan de Larios”,A.C. (Saltillo, Coahuila) 
Centro Hermanas Mirabal de Derechos Humanos (León, Guanajuato) Centro Mujeres (La Paz, Baja California) 
Centro Regional de Defensa de DDHH José María Morelos y Pavón, A. C. (Chilapa, Guerrero) 
Centro Regional de Derechos Humanos “Bartolomé Carrasco”, A. C. (Oaxaca, Oaxaca) 
Ciencia Social Alternativa, A.C. - KOOKAY (Mérida, Yucatan) 
Ciudadanía Lagunera por los Derechos Humanos, A. C. (CILADHAC) (Torreón, Coahuila) 
Ciudadanos en Apoyo a los Derechos Humanos, A. C. (CADHAC) (Monterrey, Nuevo Leon) 
Colectivo Educación para la Paz y los Derechos Humanos, A.C. (CEPAZDH) (San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas) 
Colectivo contra la Tortura (Distrito Federal) 
Comisión de Derechos Humanos &quot;La Voz de los sin voz&quot; (Coyuca de Benítez, Guerrero) 
Comisión de Derechos Humanos y Laborales del Valle de Tehuacan, A.C. (Tehuacan, Puebla.) 
Comisión de Solidaridad y Defensa de los Derechos Humanos, A. C. (Chihuahua, Chihuahua) 
Comisión Independiente de Derechos Humanos de Morelos, A. C. (CIDHMOR) (Cuernavaca, Morelos) 
Comisión Intercongregacional &quot;Justicia, Paz y Vida&quot; (Distrito Federal) 
Comisión Parroquial de Derechos Humanos “Martín de Tours”, A.C. (Texmelucan, Puebla) 
Comisión Regional de Derechos Humanos &quot;Mahatma Gandhi&quot;, A. C. (Tuxtepec, Oaxaca) 
Comité de Defensa de las Libertades Indígenas (CDLI) (Palenque, Chiapas) 
Comité de Derechos Humanos Ajusco (Distrito Federal) 
Comité de Derechos Humanos &quot;Fr. Pedro Lorenzo de la Nada&quot;, A. C. (Ocosingo, Chiapas) 
Comité de Derechos Humanos &quot;Sembrador de la Esperanza&quot;. A. C. (Acapulco, Guerrero) 
Comité de Derechos Humanos “Sierra Norte de Veracruz”, AC. (Huayacocotla, Verarcruz) 
Comité de Derechos Humanos de Colima, No gubernamental, A. C. (Colima, Colima) 
Comité de Derechos Humanos de Comalcalco, A. C. (CODEHUCO) (Comalcalco, Tabasco) 
Comité de Derechos Humanos de Tabasco, A. C. (CODEHUTAB) (Villahermosa, Tabasco) 
Comité de Derechos Humanos y Orientación Miguel Hidalgo, A. C. (Dolores Hidalgo, Guanajuato) 
Comité Sergio Méndez Arceo Pro Derechos Humanos de Tulancingo, Hgo AC (Tulancingo, Hidalgo) 
Frente Cívico Sinaloense. Secretaría de Derechos Humanos. (Culiacán, Sinaloa) 
Indignación, A. C. Promoción y Defensa de los Derechos Humanos (Chablekal, comisaría del municipio de Mérida, 
Yucatan) 
Instituto Guerrerense de Derechos Humanos, A. C. (Chilpancingo, Guerrero) 
Instituto Mexicano para el Desarrollo Comunitario, A. C. (IMDEC), (Guadalajara, Jalisco) 
Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Occidente, - Programa Institucional de Derechos Humanos y Paz. 
(Guadalajara, Jalisco) 
Programa de Derechos Humanos. Universidad Iberoamericana-Puebla (Puebla, Puebla) 
Programa Universitario de Derechos Humanos. UIA –León (León, Guanajuato) 
Proyecto de Derechos Económicos, Sociales Y Culturales (PRODESC) (Distrito Federal) 
Respuesta Alternativa, A. C. Servicio de Derechos Humanos y Desarrollo Comunitario (San Luis Potosí) 
Servicio, Paz y Justicia de Tabasco, A.C. (Villahermosa, Tabasco) 
Servicio, Paz y Justicia, México (SERPAJ-México) (Comalcalco, Tabasco) 
Taller Universitario de Derechos Humanos, A. C. (TUDH) (Distrito Federal) 
Red Guerrerense de Organizaciones Civiles de Derechos Humanos: Network of Civil human Rights organizations of 
Guerrero 
 
Other signatory organizations: 
 
Otros Mundos, AC/Campaña por la Desmilitarización de las Américas (CADA) 
Red Mesa de Mujeres de Ciudad Juárez 
Mujeres por México en Chihuahua, A. C 
Instituto Mexicano de Derechos Humanos y Democracia A.C. (The Mexican Institute for Human Rights and 
Democracy) 
La Red Mexicana de Accion frente al Libre Comercio (RMALC)  
 
  
Individuals: 
 
José Francisco Gallardo Rodríguez, General Brigadier del Ejercito mexicano y Doctor en Administración Pública 
Enfermera, Lourdes Toussaint 
Arquitecto, Félix Durán 
Lydia Cacho Ribeiro; Journalist and Human Rights Defender 
 
 
 
 
Cc:   
United States Congress 
Hon. Daniel K. Inouye 
Chairman, Committee on Appropriations  
United States Senate 
 
Hon. Thad Cochran 
Vice Chairman, Committee on Appropriations  
United States Senate  
 
Hon. David R. Obey 
Chairman, Committee on Appropriations  
United States House of Representatives  
 
Hon. Jerry Lewis 
Ranking Member, Committee on Appropriations 
United States House of Representatives  
 
 
 
United States Department of State 
Honorable Secretary Hillary Clinton, United States Department of State  
 
Ms. Leslie A. Bassett, Interim Ambassador, United States Embassy in Mexico 
 
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>Rwanda suspends BBC radio service for &quot;unacceptable speech&quot;</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/04/rwanda_suspends_bbc_radio_serv.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8595</id>
   
   <published>2009-04-29T19:06:47Z</published>
   <updated>2009-04-29T19:08:23Z</updated>
   
   <summary>29 April 2009 Government suspends BBC radio service for &quot;unacceptable speech&quot; in programme on genocide SOURCE: Media Institute, Nairobi (Media Institute/IFEX) - On 25 April 2009, the Rwandan government suspended the British Broadcasting Corporation&apos;s (BBC) local-language radio service in the...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Rwanda" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      29 April 2009

Government suspends BBC radio service for &quot;unacceptable speech&quot; in
programme on genocide

SOURCE: Media Institute, Nairobi

(Media Institute/IFEX) - On 25 April 2009, the Rwandan government suspended
the British Broadcasting Corporation&apos;s (BBC) local-language radio service
in the country saying it threatened the country&apos;s national reconciliation
by hosting people with views negating the 1994 genocide.

A press statement released by Information Minister and government
spokesperson Louise Mushikiwabo attibuted the closure of the BBC&apos;s
Kinyarwanda service to &quot;unacceptable speech&quot; on the 1994 Rwanda genocide.
She pointed out that the BBC&apos;s broadcasts, especially its local vernacular
programme &quot;Imvo n&apos;Imvano&quot; (Analysis of the Source of a Problem), had,
despite repeated written and verbal protests from government, consistently
showed total disregard for Rwanda&apos;s unity and reconciliation efforts.
      <![CDATA["This action by government was prompted by one of their programme called
'Imvo n'Imvano' this Saturday morning which was previewed last night (24
April)," Mushikiwabo told the state radio.

The suspension followed the station's broadcast of a promotion of a
forthcoming feature of its weekly program "Imvo n'Imvano" that was to
include a debate on forgiveness among Rwandans after the genocide. The
advance segment included comments by a former presidential candidate,
Faustin Twagiramungu, opposing the government's attempt to have the
country's entire Hutu population apologize for the genocide, since not all
Hutu people had killed Tutsi or otherwise participated in the genocide. It
also included a man of mixed Hutu-Tutsi ethnicity questioning why the
government had refused to allow relatives of those killed by the Rwanda
Patriotic Front (RPF) - led by President Paul Kagame that took over the
country and stopped the genocide - to mourn for their loved ones.

The minister said she contacted the BBC on the issue expecting them to
reconsider "after hearing from us, but the broadcaster took no heed,
leaving the government with no option but to take decisive action to save
millions of Rwandans from the past of genocide ideology."

"The divisive and disparaging nature of these programs as they stand today
is no longer acceptable, in light of the hard-earned peaceful coexistence
of the people of Rwanda over the last 15 years," the statement read, adding
that the government can no longer stand anyone who tries to create the
impression that there was double genocide (one by the Hutu and the other by
the Tutsi-led RPF in a bid to end it) in 1994.

The 1994 genocide mainly targeting the minority Tutsis claimed about a
million people in just 100 days. But critics of President Paul Kagame's
government and his ruling RPF, especially those claiming to belong to the
Hutu class in exile, have always contended that several Hutus were also
killed in revenge by RPF soldiers during the 1994 mayhem. They assert that
there were therefore two genocides, one of Tutsis by extreme Hutus and
another by Tutsis, probably acting in revenge.

Rwanda has since banned the use of ethnic labels and established stringent
laws against divisionism and "genocide ideology" - a reference to those who
argue that the RPF is guilty of genocide too. Last year, the parliament
passed a harsh anti-genocide law, and the current controversial media law
is the latest of the government's measures to bury the ghost of genocide.
For more information, see: http://www.eastafricapress.net 

For further information, contact Director David Makali or Programs Director
Kodi Barth, Media Institute, P.O. Box 46356, 00100 Nairobi, Kenya, tel:
+254 20 253 372, mobile: +254 720 103 693, fax: +254 20 252 373, e-mail:
mediainst@wananchi.com, Internet: <a href="http://www.eastafricapress.net">http://www.eastafricapress.net</a>
]]>
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>Impeach Torture Architect Bybee</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/04/impeach_torture_architect_bybe.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8566</id>
   
   <published>2009-04-20T17:45:15Z</published>
   <updated>2009-04-21T01:34:33Z</updated>
   
   <summary>From the Center for Constitutional Rights http://salsa.democracyinaction.org/o/383/t/6374/campaign.jsp?campaign_KEY=27088 We need your help to impeach one of the legal architects of the Bush administration Torture Program who is now, incredibly, a federal judge. Last week, President Obama released four torture authorization memos...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="Impunity" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
         <category term="USA" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      From the Center for Constitutional Rights
http://salsa.democracyinaction.org/o/383/t/6374/campaign.jsp?campaign_KEY=27088

We need your help to impeach one of the legal architects of the Bush administration Torture Program who is now, incredibly, a federal judge.

Last week, President Obama released four torture authorization memos written by the Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) under the Bush administration that devised a legal framework for the justification of the Torture Program. The memos were released as part of a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit the Center for Constitutional Rights helped file with the ACLU and other organizations.  
      <![CDATA[The memos were intended to provide legal cover for officials to carry out abhorrent, illegal and ineffective techniques that were approved at the highest levels of the Bush administration in violation U.S. and international law and the U.S. Constitution.

One of the principal authors was Jay Bybee, the former head of the OLC and today a federal judge on the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. His flagrant contempt for the rule of law is utterly inconsistent with his judicial position and speaks directly to his competency to function in that office.  It is unacceptable for an individual who abused his status as a government lawyer and violated the law in conspiring with other members of the Bush Torture Team to sit as a federal judge, someone who hears and decides issues of constitutional import. At the time of his confirmation hearing, his role in the Torture Program was secret,  as was the program itself. Jay Bybee’s actions constitute High Crimes and Misdemeanors by any standard.

In a strong editorial yesterday, The New York Times called for Bybee’s impeachment. We agree. Write to Rep. John Conyers and the House Judiciary Committee today to demand they hold a hearing to determine whether grounds exist for Bybee’s impeachment. When you send your letter, your name will automatically be added to a petition that we will use to build a national movement to demand the prosecution of those high level officials who committed crimes when they planned, authorized, justified and carried out the Torture Program.

Bybee’s impeachment will be a first step in holding the Torture Team accountable for their actions. His August 1, 2002 memo is available <a href="http://ccrjustice.org/newsroom/press-releases/ccr-decries-immunity-torture%2C-secrecy">here</a>. 

High level government officials are not above the law. We must send a clear message to all future officials – and to the victims of the torture policies – that the crime of torture is unacceptable and will not be swept under the carpet.  If we allow these crimes to be committed with impunity, we are doomed to repeat one of the darkest chapters in our history. Join us to see Jay Bybee impeached and advance the movement for prosecutions and accountability.]]>
   </content>
</entry>
<entry>
   <title>US - Torture case lawyers may face jail for letter</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/2009/04/us_torture_case_lawyers_may_fa.html" />
   <id>tag:www.humanrightsblog.org,2009://32.8562</id>
   
   <published>2009-04-20T17:35:06Z</published>
   <updated>2009-04-20T17:39:55Z</updated>
   
   <summary>A former Guantanamo Bay prisoner who accused a Bay Area company of flying him to foreign torture chambers for the CIA is at the center of a bizarre new case, in which his lawyers face possible jail sentences for writing...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>marga</name>
      <uri>http://www.marga.org/</uri>
   </author>
         <category term="USA" scheme="http://www.sixapart.com/ns/types#category" />
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.humanrightsblog.org/">
      <![CDATA[A former Guantanamo Bay prisoner who accused a Bay Area company of flying him to foreign torture chambers for the CIA is at the center of a bizarre new case, in which his lawyers face possible jail sentences for writing a letter that asked President Obama to disclose how brutally he was treated.

<a href="http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=%2Fc%2Fa%2F2009%2F04%2F20%2FBA68172JDM.DTL">http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=%2Fc%2Fa%2F2009%2F04%2F20%2FBA68172JDM.DTL</a>]]>
      The government says the letter falsely accused a Pentagon review team of censoring details of the alleged torture of Binyam Mohamed from a document the attorneys wanted to send to Obama. The lawyers stand by their accusations but have been summoned to Washington, D.C., by a federal judge for a hearing next month on whether they should be held in contempt of court, punishable by up to six months in jail.

Mohamed, meanwhile, awaits a ruling from the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco on whether he and four other men can sue a Boeing Co. subsidiary in San Jose for allegedly colluding with the CIA to violate their rights.

The suit accuses the company, Jeppesen Dataplan, of taking part in &quot;extraordinary rendition,&quot; the practice of abducting suspects without extradition or legal proceedings and taking them to foreign countries or CIA prisons for interrogation. The plaintiffs&apos; evidence includes a statement attributed to a Jeppesen director in 2006 that the company handled torture flights. Jeppesen has denied wrongdoing.

At an appeals court hearing Feb. 9, an Obama administration lawyer endorsed the Bush administration&apos;s previous argument that the suit should be dismissed because it could expose state secrets about the rendition program and U.S. foreign relations.

Mohamed, a native of Ethiopia who lives in Britain, was freed two weeks after the hearing from nearly seven years in captivity, the last four at the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

He was arrested in Pakistan in 2002 and turned over to U.S. authorities as a suspected terrorist and Taliban fighter. Mohamed said he had been beaten, hung from a pole and held in darkness and isolation at a CIA prison in Afghanistan and that his genitals were slashed with a razor blade by guards in Morocco before he was sent to Guantanamo.

He said the charges against him were based on confessions extracted by torture. Those charges were dropped before he was released.

The charges against his attorneys stem from their effort to make the details of Mohamed&apos;s treatment public after a British court ruled last year that there was evidence he had been tortured, but deleted that evidence from its ruling at the insistence of the Bush administration.
Seeking to release evidence

The attorneys, Clive Stafford Smith and Ahmad Ghappour of the British human-rights group Reprieve, drafted a letter to Obama on Feb. 9 urging him to release the evidence or to authorize Britain to do so.

They wrote that they were first presenting the letter and a document summarizing the classified evidence to the Defense Department&apos;s Privilege Review Team, which monitors lawyer-client correspondence at Guantanamo, to clear it for forwarding to the president.

If the Pentagon refused to pass the evidence on to Obama, the lawyers said in the letter, they would send him a blacked-out document and advise him that he was being &quot;denied access to material that would help prove that crimes have been committed by U.S. personnel.&quot;

What happened next is disputed. According to the lawyers, Ghappour submitted the classified memo to the Privilege Review Team four times, removing more material each time, but the team ultimately refused to clear any of the material to be sent to Obama. Shortly afterward, Smith and Ghappour sent the letter and a blacked-out sheet to the president and released them to the media.

But the government, in court papers, said Ghappour approached a member of the review team with the classified document Feb. 10 and was told that the team had no authority to declassify such information, and that he should submit it to a security officer or a Justice Department lawyer.

Ghappour returned with the blacked-out document, asked for clearance, and got it approved after assuring the team member that he would send it only to Mohamed and not to Obama, government lawyers said.

Letter called deceptive

They said the letter that Mohamed&apos;s lawyers sent to Obama the next day falsely accused the review team of concealing information from the president and was used to &quot;deceive the press and the public&quot; about the review team&apos;s role.

Citing the government&apos;s allegations, U.S. District Judge Thomas Hogan ordered the two attorneys to appear before him May 11 and face charges that they violated terms of the agreement they signed to gain access to the Guantanamo prisoners they represented. He did not specify the violations.

Smith and Ghappour filed their reply under seal but have denied breaching the agreement.

&apos;Deeply troubling&apos;

David Cole, a Georgetown University law professor and legal commentator who is not involved in the case, said it was &quot;deeply troubling&quot; that lawyers could be punished for writing a letter to Obama about a secrecy decision that is ultimately the president&apos;s responsibility. But he said the bigger problem was the Bush administration&apos;s decision to classify all information about its treatment of Mohamed.

&quot;This was classification to hide its own criminal wrongdoing, and the people Judge Hogan really ought to be calling in are those who decided to classify this stuff in the first place,&quot; Cole said.

Smith, the director of Reprieve and attorney for more than 50 prisoners who have been held at Guantanamo, told The Chronicle he was unable to discuss his case publicly. But in an interview April 7 on Pacific Radio&apos;s Democracy Now, he called the contempt charges &quot;frivolous&quot; and said he would come to the United States for the hearing.

&quot;I want the real issue to be why the government continues to cover up the evidence of Binyam&apos;s torture,&quot; Smith said.

E-mail Bob Egelko at begelko@sfchronicle.com.
   </content>
</entry>

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